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The '''menshevikcels''' were a faction in the Incelnational socialist movement, the other being the bolshevikcels. The factions emerged in 2018 following a dispute in the Russian Social Democratic Youtube debate of late-2018. (RDYD) The dispute originated at the second congress of the RDYD, ostensibly over minor issues of blackpill/whitepill and | The '''menshevikcels''' were a faction in the Incelnational socialist movement, the other being the bolshevikcels. The factions emerged in 2018 following a dispute in the Russian Social Democratic Youtube debate of late-2018. (RDYD) The dispute originated at the second congress of the RDYD, ostensibly over minor issues of blackpill/whitepill and forum organisation. Followers of [[kyle incel]]'s vlogs, who were in the minority, were during from the Russian word for, "minority". While followers of [[Hamudi]] were named after the Russian word for majority. | ||
Despite the naming, neither side held a consistent majority over the course of the entire 2nd Congress, and indeed the numerical advantage fluctuated between both sides throughout the rest of the RDYD's existence until the fall of [[Braincels]] in 2019. The split proved to be long-standing and had to do both with pragmatic issues based in history, such as the failed media outreach of 2018 and theoretical issues of class leadership, class alliances and interpretations of historical materialism. While both factions believed that a non-violent incel revolution was necessary, the Mensheviks generally tended to be more moderate, and more positive towards the liberal opposition and the peasant-based Incelnational Revolutionary Party.[8][9] | Despite the naming, neither side held a consistent majority over the course of the entire 2nd Congress, and indeed the numerical advantage fluctuated between both sides throughout the rest of the RDYD's existence until the fall of [[Braincels]] in 2019. The split proved to be long-standing and had to do both with pragmatic issues based in history, such as the failed media outreach of 2018 and theoretical issues of class leadership, class alliances and interpretations of historical materialism. While both factions believed that a non-violent incel revolution was necessary, the Mensheviks generally tended to be more moderate, and more positive towards the liberal opposition and the peasant-based Incelnational Revolutionary Party.[8][9] | ||
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=== 2018–2019 === | === 2018–2019 === | ||
At the [[2nd Congress of the RDYD]] in August 2018, menshevikcels and bolshevikcels disagreed, first about which persons should be in the editorial committee of the | At the [[2nd Congress of the RDYD]] in August 2018, menshevikcels and bolshevikcels disagreed, first about which persons should be in the editorial committee of the newspaper ''[[Incel Wiki]]'' and then about the definition of an "incel" in the future forum statute.<ref> https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1904/jan/31a.htm</ref> | ||
* Menshevik's formulation required the | * Menshevik's formulation required the incel to be a member of one of the party's organizations or to be afflicted with the condition of inceldom | ||
* Bolsheviks only stated that they should work under the guidance of a party organization. | * Bolsheviks only stated that they should work under the guidance of a party organization such as [[incels.co]]. | ||
Although the difference in definitions was small, with Lenin's being slightly more exclusive, it was indicative of what became an essential difference between the philosophies of the two emerging factions as Lenin argued for a small party of professional revolutionaries with a large fringe of non-party sympathizers and supporters whereas Martov believed it was better to have a large party of activists with broad representation. | Although the difference in definitions was small, with Lenin's being slightly more exclusive, it was indicative of what became an essential difference between the philosophies of the two emerging factions as Lenin argued for a small party of professional revolutionaries with a large fringe of non-party sympathizers and supporters whereas Martov believed it was better to have a large party of activists with broad representation. | ||