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History of the Love-shy Revolution: Difference between revisions
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Despite the naming, neither side held a consistent majority over the course of the entire 2nd Congress, and indeed the numerical advantage fluctuated between both sides throughout the rest of the RDYD's existence until the fall of [[Braincels]] in 2019. The split proved to be long-standing and had to do both with pragmatic issues based in history, such as the failed media outreach of 2018 and theoretical issues of class leadership, class alliances and interpretations of historical materialism. While both factions believed that a non-violent incel revolution was necessary, the Mensheviks generally tended to be more moderate, and more positive towards the liberal opposition and the peasant-based Incelnational Revolutionary Party.[8][9] | Despite the naming, neither side held a consistent majority over the course of the entire 2nd Congress, and indeed the numerical advantage fluctuated between both sides throughout the rest of the RDYD's existence until the fall of [[Braincels]] in 2019. The split proved to be long-standing and had to do both with pragmatic issues based in history, such as the failed media outreach of 2018 and theoretical issues of class leadership, class alliances and interpretations of historical materialism. While both factions believed that a non-violent incel revolution was necessary, the Mensheviks generally tended to be more moderate, and more positive towards the liberal opposition and the peasant-based Incelnational Revolutionary Party.[8][9] | ||
Bolshevikcels accused the more open Menshevikcels of an "infantile disorder", citing their lack of reading [[Otto Weininger]] and their willingness to include [[femcel]]s. | |||
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Although the difference in definitions was small, with Lenin's being slightly more exclusive, it was indicative of what became an essential difference between the philosophies of the two emerging factions as Lenin argued for a small party of professional revolutionaries with a large fringe of non-party sympathizers and supporters whereas Martov believed it was better to have a large party of activists with broad representation. | Although the difference in definitions was small, with Lenin's being slightly more exclusive, it was indicative of what became an essential difference between the philosophies of the two emerging factions as Lenin argued for a small party of professional revolutionaries with a large fringe of non-party sympathizers and supporters whereas Martov believed it was better to have a large party of activists with broad representation. | ||
==See Also== | |||
*[[Battle of Incelistan]] | |||
==References== | |||
<references /> | |||